The little mosque in Manhattan

Tuesday, 14th September, 2010

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Dr Opiyo Oloya IT is not about the little Mosque in Manhattan, stupid! Instead, the big brouhaha, about the Imam who wants to build a mosque in New York City that is pitting Americans against Americans and threatening to spill out into the larger world, has everything to do with Americans persisting in their inalienable rights to remain blissfully ignorant of the world in which America is quickly becoming just another bit player, rather than the dominant player. It is about the American credo of the rights to life, freedom, happiness and the pursuit of ignorance. For instance, look at the facts of the Islamic Cultural Centre that Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf is trying to build that suddenly has become the lightening rod in American politics. Fact number one, the proposed centre is actually two full blocks away from the hallowed ground zero where the twin towers of the World Trade Centre once stood. Fact number two, there are already two mosques within spitting distance of ground zero. Founded in 1970, Masjid Manhattan located on Warren Street is just four blocks away. Meanwhile, Masjid al-Farah stands about 12 blocks from ground zero on West Broadway. But to hear the conservative pundits and talking heads put it, you would think that Imam Rauf was planning his little centre smack in the middle of the ground where terrorists committed the most heinous crimes on September 11, 2001. The mosque, according to failed former presidential candidate Sarah Palin, is “a stab in the heart of America”. She did not add the phrase “by aliens encouraged and abated by the President of United States, Barack Hussein Obama”. She did not have to because that is the level of discourse that American politics has taken lately. A number of polls taken this past summer indicate as many as 20% of Americans believe Obama is a Muslim. It was precisely such ignorant, inward-looking, let’s-circle-the-wagon mentality that Florida pastor Terry Jones seized on when he threatened to burn the Holy Quran in front of his very small church. With a congregation numbering a meagre 40 parishioners, Pastor Jones was not an aberrant or erratic Neanderthal who happened to wake up in the 21st Century to find that the world is multi-ethnic and multi-religious. He is foremost channelling the energy of ignorance that has sustained many Americans for far too long, and which is now being challenged by a global community drawn ever tighter at the hip by dwindling resources and shared destiny. The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 took thousands of innocent lives and shattered the sense of invulnerability that America had built around itself. Sadly, though, instead of engaging in deeper introspection on why it was the target of such hate-filled terror, some conservative Americans took the easy route — they hate us because they are evil. The Quran is evil. Muslims are evil. With such shallow insight into what motivates and feeds anti-Americanism, it was futile to convince Americans that Saddam Hussein had nothing to do with the attacks, and that the information on weapons of mass destruction was simply fraudulent. Ignoring all the facts, President George W. Bush pushed for war with a country that was best left alone. Thousands of lives later, Americans woke up to the realisation that the bogeyman they created in Saddam Hussein was not the one they wanted all along. It was somebody else, but they could not quite get into focus who that somebody was — al-Qaeda, Taliban or simply terrorists became the catch-all name for the new villain. Of course, the election of President Obama offered a sober opportunity for America to understand the larger world which it seeks to conquer and annihilate without really knowing. Obama was candid — America needed to begin to relate to the world in a way that builds bridges rather than destroy them. This message was repeated in Obama’s trip to the Middle East in the summer of 2009, and often enough. However, to the conservative America that never accepted the election of a black president to begin with, this was another attempt to sell America down the river. To this large element of American society, the notion that America needs to reach out to alien cultures was hard to swallow. The push-back against a more world-connected America which began in earnest in the summer of 2009 was cheered on by conservative media personalities like Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck. Buzz phrases such as “patriotic Americans”, “duty and honour”, “real Americans” began to seep into the discourse. It is within this racially-tinged, culturally charged atmosphere that conservative politician Newt Gingrich accused president Barack Obama of harbouring “Kenyan, anti-colonialist mentality”. Even as the right cheered the apparent insult, none stopped to ask how an American who mostly grew up in America, and only visited Kenya once or twice, could have a Kenyan mentality. What is a “Kenyan anti-colonialist mentality” anyway? Indeed, having chosen the path of ignorance as the only way forward, the segment of America that defines its politics as “patriotic” took on the little Mosque in Manhattan which it saw as threatening the very fabric of America. The reality though is that the Imam planning to build the Islamic cultural centre is one of the very first Muslims to condemn violence and to call on moderate Muslims everywhere especially in America to repudiate the notion that equates Islam with violence. Unfortunately, while conveniently forgetting that Muslims also died at ground zero on September 11, conservative Americans have hijacked the building of the prayer centre as an assault by aliens on what is pure, white and organic in America. They would not put it that way — but you know that is what they are thinking. Sadly, their thinking is wrong, but then what should one expect from a segment of society that believes in the inalienable right of being ignorant? Opiyo.oloya@sympatico.ca

Elections 2010 - Protocole d'entente pour une élection apaisée en Guinée entre Cellou Dalein Diallo et Alpha Condé

Les deux candidats au second tour de l'élection présidentielle Mamadou Cellou Dalein Diallo et Alpha Condé ont signé ce vendredi à Ougadougou, grâce à la médiation du président du Faso Blaise Compaoré, un code de bonne conduite que nous livrons intégralement.

PREAMBULE
Nous, Cellou Dalein DIALLO, Président de l’Union des Forces Démocratiques de Guinée (UFDG), et Alpha CONDE, Président du Rassemblement du Peuple de Guinée (RPG), candidats arrivés en tête à l’issue du premier tour de l’élection présidentielle du 27 juin 2010 en République de Guinée,

- Déterminés à assurer à la République de Guinée une transition politique pacifique, notamment par des élections libres, transparentes et démocratiques, gage d’une sortie de crise définitive ;
- Saluant la Déclaration conjointe de Ouagadougou du 15 janvier 2010 dont la mise en œuvre a permis à la Guinée de s’engager sereinement dans un processus électoral apaisé ;
- Ayant à l’esprit le climat serein qui a prévalu en Guinée lors du premier tour de l’élection présidentielle tenu le 27 juin 2010 ;
- Conscients du rôle historique que nous jouerons dans le second tour de l’élection présidentielle du 19 septembre 2010 et résolus à faire de cette élection la base d’une démocratie stable, d’une paix sociale durable et de l’essor économique de la Guinée ;
- Soucieux de préserver l’unité, la cohésion sociale et l’intégrité territoriale de la République de Guinée et déterminés à mettre l’intérêt supérieur du pays au-dessus de toutes autres considérations ;
- Se référant à la visite d’amitié et de travail effectuée à Ouagadougou par Son Excellence le Général d’Armée Sékouba KONATE, Président de la République de Guinée par intérim, Ministre de la Défense Nationale, les 26 et 27 août 2010 ;
- Guidés par l’esprit de concertation permanente préconisé par la Déclaration conjointe de Ouagadougou du 15 janvier 2010 ;
- Après des consultations fructueuses avec Son Excellence Monsieur Blaise COMPAORE, Président du Burkina Faso, Médiateur dans la crise en Guinée, à Ouagadougou le 2 et 3 septembre 2010 ;

Sommes convenus de ce qui suit :

I. DE LA CAMPAGNE ELECTORALE

1.1. Les deux candidats au second tour de l’élection présidentielle du 19 septembre 2010 s’engagent à mener une campagne politique apaisée, dans le respect mutuel et conformément aux dispositions constitutionnelles et législatives en vigueur, ainsi qu’au Code de bonne conduite auquel ils ont adhéré, afin de préserver la cohésion et l’unité du pays.
1.2. Ils prendront toutes les dispositions nécessaires pour que leurs militants fassent preuve de retenue lors de la campagne électorale.
1.3. Les deux candidats lancent un appel pressant aux médias nationaux et internationaux, pour qu’ils fassent preuve de retenue tout au long du processus électoral et qu’ils contribuent à sensibiliser les électeurs, tout en s’abstenant de toute propagande de nature à porter atteinte à la cohésion nationale, afin de permettre à la Guinée de sortir grandie de cette élection.
1.4. Dans le même esprit, ils lancent un appel solennel aux Forces de Défense et de Sécurité de la Guinée, afin qu’elles accompagnent, de façon constructive, le processus électoral, notamment en jouant pleinement leur rôle de défense et sécurité du territoire national et des institutions républicaines. Ils invitent également l’ensemble des institutions de la Transition à jouer leur rôle conformément aux dispositions pertinentes de la Déclaration conjointe de Ouagadougou du 15 janvier 2010, de la loi électorale et de la Constitution.


II. DE L’ORGANISATION DU SECOND TOUR DE L’ELECTION PRESIDENTIELLE

2.1. Les deux candidats au second tour de l’élection présidentielle s’engagent en outre à respecter l’indépendance de la Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI) et à tout mettre en œuvre afin de lui permettre de jouer pleinement son rôle de principale institution chargée de l’organisation du scrutin présidentiel.
2.2. Ils invitent instamment la CENI à prendre les dispositions utiles pour corriger les insuffisances et dysfonctionnements relevés à l’occasion du premier tour de l’élection présidentielle, conformément aux recommandations de la Commission ad hoc, afin de garantir l’organisation d’un second tour dans les meilleures conditions de transparence, d’équité et d’impartialité.
2.3. Afin de s’assurer du bon déroulement du processus électoral, ils encouragent le Gouvernement à prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour apporter son appui technique à la CENI, conformément aux dispositions réglementaires en vigueur.


III. DE LA SECURISATION DU PROCESSUS ELECTORAL

3.1. Les Présidents de l’UFDG et du RPG mettront tout en œuvre pour assurer la discipline et l’ordre dans les rangs de leurs militants et sympathisants tout au long du processus électoral et pour éviter tout débordement susceptible de compromettre les opérations électorales.
3.2. Ils invitent instamment le Gouvernement à prendre toutes les dispositions nécessaires pour assurer la sécurisation effective du processus électoral avant, pendant et après les opérations du second tour de l’élection présidentielle du 19 septembre 2010. A cette fin, ils exhortent le Gouvernement à mettre à la disposition de la Force Spéciale de Sécurisation du Processus Electoral (FOSSEPEL) les moyens humains, financiers et matériels nécessaires à l’accomplissement de sa mission.


IV. DE L’ACCEPTATION DU VERDICT DES URNES

4.1. Le Président de l’UFDG et le Président du RPG s’engagent solennellement à se conformer scrupuleusement au verdict des urnes, tel qu’il résultera de la proclamation définitive des résultats du scrutin du 19 septembre 2010.
4.2. Ils s’engagent, en outre, à recourir exclusivement aux moyens de droit mis à leur disposition par les textes en vigueur pour toute réclamation qu’ils viendraient à formuler à la suite de la proclamation provisoire des résultats du second tour de l’élection présidentielle.
4.3. Dans le même sens, ils prendront les dispositions utiles pour que leurs militants et sympathisants acceptent, dans un esprit patriotique et démocratique, les résultats du suffrage du Peuple guinéen.


V. DISPONIBILITE ET APPEL SOLENNEL DU MEDIATEUR

5.1. Le Médiateur dans la crise en Guinée, le Président Blaise COMPAORE, réaffirme sa disponibilité à continuer d’accompagner les parties prenantes guinéennes dans le processus de Transition politique en cours.
5.2. Il lance un appel solennel aux deux candidats au second tour de l’élection présidentielle, ainsi qu’aux autres formations politiques guinéennes, aux institutions de la Transition et à l’ensemble du Peuple guinéen pour saisir l’occasion historique de cette élection, afin dejeter en Guinée les bases d’une stabilité et d’une démocratie durables.


5.3. Les deux candidats renouvellent leur confiance et leur reconnaissance au Président Blaise COMPAORE, Président du Burkina Faso, Médiateur dans la crise en Guinée, et au Président par intérim de la Guinée, le Général d’Armée Sékouba KONATE, pour toutes les actions menées en vue de faire de la Guinée un Etat de droit démocratique et stable.


Fait à Ouagadougou, le 03 septembre 2010


Monsieur CellouDalein DIALLO
Président de l’UFDG

Monsieur Alpha CONDE
Président du RPG

S.E.M. Blaise COMPAORE
Président du Burkina Faso,
Médiateur dans la crise en Guinée

Source: Présidence du Faso

AGOA 2010 Forum Opens with Pledges to Improve Trade U.S. Trade Representative Kirk and Kenyan Minister Kimunya open session

 

U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk

By Charles W. Corey
Staff Writer

Washington — The annual U.S.–Sub-Saharan Africa Trade and Economic Cooperation Forum — better known as the AGOA Forum — opened August 2 in Washington with U.S. and African officials pledging on the 10th anniversary of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to make the U.S. trade preference program work even better to stimulate economic growth and development on both sides of the Atlantic.

U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk and Amos Muhinga Kimunya, Kenya’s minister of trade, both addressed the opening session. Also on the dais were Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson and Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs William Fitzgerald.

Speaking to officials representing 35 of the 38 AGOA-eligible countries along with a host of other African regional trade groups, Kirk first saluted a delegation of 34 African women entrepreneurs who traveled to Washington as part of a U.S. Department of State program to attend AGOA, which this year convenes in both Washington and Kansas City, Missouri. The United States trade representative also mentioned President Obama’s Forum with Young African Leaders, which is taking place in Washington August 3–5, and praised 50 years of independence in some African countries. “This is a great week between the United States and Africa,” Kirk told his audience.

With AGOA celebrating its 10th anniversary, Kirk said the forum takes on a special significance as the past 10 years of AGOA are examined and the next decade of the trade act is contemplated.

“President Obama and all of us in his administration are committed to a robust partnership with Africa that is commensurate with Africa’s vital and growing role in the global economy and community and that reflects on the past, present and future ties between African nations and the United States of America,” Kirk said. “Our commitment is reflected in many ways, including our participation in this forum.” Kirk said the AGOA Forum represents the highest level of dialogue between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.

Citing the forum’s theme for this year, “AGOA at 10: New Strategies for a Changing World,” Kirk said, “We believe that these strategies encompass much of the dynamic change that is occurring in Africa.”

“There is much evidence today of Africa’s rising star and excitement about its promising future. Many of your countries are experiencing improved governments and democratic leadership. Many deadly conflicts have been resolved in several countries, and through economic reforms and improving business environments, the continent is experiencing a surge in economic growth. The progress and potential of African economies are reflected in reduced inflation, lower trade barriers, growing intra-African trade, rising capital flows and the creation of substantial new business opportunities. These have led to lower levels of poverty, higher standards of living for all citizens and more urban consumers with more discretionary income.”

Kirk said that “extraordinary challenges” must be overcome if all of Africa is to experience this type of growth and all of its citizens are to thrive in today’s global economy. “The United States remains committed to partnering with Africa,” he said, “to address the challenges of poverty, health, education, conflict, governance and economic development.”

Kirk paraphrased President Obama’s remarks during his visit to Ghana last year that the United States wants to engage in more mutually advantageous trade with sub-Saharan Africa. “This is what AGOA is all about,” Kirk said.

“As we look back over the last 10 years, two-way trade between the United States and Africa has more than doubled. African exports to the United States have doubled, reaching … almost $47 billion in 2009. In the first part of 2010, we are seeing a rapid recovery of Africa’s exports to the United States following the economic tsunami over the past 24 months.” Despite the fact that some 90 percent of AGOA’s trade is in oil and related mineral wealth, he said, AGOA has brought about a greater diversity of African products exported to the U.S. market.

After leaving the AGOA Forum in Nairobi last year, Kirk said, he traveled to Ethiopia to visit footwear and apparel factories and met with Senegalese seafood producers who are exporting their products to the United States under AGOA. There are many other examples of the diversification of U.S.-Africa trade under AGOA, he said, from factories in Swaziland that are making jams and hot sauce, to cut-flower exporters in Tanzania, to a factory in Mauritius making sunglasses and apparel factories in Lesotho. All of these businesses combined, he said, employ tens of thousands of workers.

While this represents “a good start,” to AGOA, he said, “We all know this is insufficient.” Kirk called for a redoubling of efforts to expand the diversity of AGOA trade and utilize all of the product lines that are available to African exporters under AGOA.

Kirk said the United States has invested substantial amounts in helping African countries build the capacity for increased trade to make the most of AGOA. Since 2001, U.S. trade capacity-building assistance to the region has exceeded $3 billion, which includes the African Global Competitiveness Initiative and a range of other programs. Additionally, he said, President Obama has pledged through the G8 group of industrialized nations more than $3.5 billion over three years for investment in sustainable agriculture development under the Feed the Future food security initiative.

In closing, Kirk said to prosper further from increased trade, African governments must reduce bureaucratic interference and red tape that is hampering both African and American business. He also called for respect for the rule of law, work to eliminate corruption, continued priority attention to cross-border trade and the development of regional markets. “Trade must be a central part of African nations’ development and economic strategies,” he said.

In his remarks, Minister Kimunya said the AGOA Forum represents a decade-long partnership that has “matured and transformed our relationship beyond trade and economic relations.”

Kimunya, whose nation hosted the 2009 AGOA Forum in Nairobi, said AOGA has resulted in a significant increase of exports from sub-Saharan Africa into the United States. Like Kirk, he acknowledged that AGOA trade is still too heavily weighted in oil and minerals. Kimunya told the forum that Africans are exporting fewer than 200 products to the United States of the more than 6,000 products that are eligible under AGOA. AGOA has yet to reach its full potential, he said.

AGOA was enacted in its original form in May 2000 to expand U.S.-sub-Saharan trade and investment, stimulate economic growth and help integrate sub-Saharan Africa into the greater global economy.

(This is a product of the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://www.america.gov)

Obama’s Speech in Ghana President addresses the Ghanaian Parliament in Accra

1 July 2009

Read more: http://www.america.gov/st/texttrans-english/2009/July/20090711110050abretnuh0.1079783.html#ixzz0vbuyfFoZ

(begin transcript)

President Obama addresses the Ghanaian Parliament in Accra July 11.

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
July 11, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE GHANAIAN PARLIAMENT
Accra International Conference Center
Accra, Ghana

12:40 P.M. GMT

THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)

Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I’ve received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana’s history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you’ve built here in Ghana.

I’m speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world’s leading economies. And I’ve come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America’s prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world’s health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s -- (applause) -- my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him “boy” for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya’s liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn’t simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father’s generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea’s when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.

In many places, the hope of my father’s generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it’s easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.

Now, we know that’s also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana’s economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one’s own nation.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we’ve learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana’s parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That’s the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I’ve pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa’s interests and America’s interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it’s whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I’ll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than just holding elections. It’s also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)

In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people’s everyday lives.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills’ opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we’ve seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right.

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)

Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do.

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They’re doing very well. So they’ve got the talent, they’ve got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they’re succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That’s why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it’s no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it’s good for both.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa’s crops -- Africa’s boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They’re about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It’s about the dignity of work; it’s about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it’s also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn’t kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

And that’s why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won’t confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there’s a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.

And that’s why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.

The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We’ve done so despite a difficult past, and we’ve drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: “It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice.”

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.)

END    1:10 P.M. GMT

(end transcript)

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